New York City · the short-term rental ban, three years in · a public-data receipt

NYC banned short-term rentals to bring rents down. Rents went up.

Enforcement began September 2023. The central pitch was that returning short-stay apartments to the long-term market would ease rents. We measured it, me and my AI agents: 414,061 rental listings from an 80-million-record market atlas, one quarter at a time. Median asking rent is up 9% since enforcement began, and 14% above the last full pre-ban year. It never dipped once.

Then we ran the sharper test nobody had run: if the mechanism were real, the neighborhoods that lost the most short-stay listings should have gotten the most relief. We ranked every zip by pre-ban listing density and checked. The neighborhoods with nine times the exposure got exactly nothing extra.

See the receipt The sharper test
Median asking rent, NYC, by quarter
414,061 rental listings, 2021–2026 · gray line marks the start of ban enforcement, September 2023
Median ask, quarter the ban took effect
$3,950
Q3 2023
Median ask now
$4,300
Q2 2026 · up 9% under the ban
Vs the last full pre-ban year
+14%
$3,695 in 2022 → $4,225 in 2026
Listings measured
414,061
every quarter, same method

To be fair about what this is: asking rents, not signed leases, and correlation, not causation. Rents move for many reasons. But the ban's promise was specific, public, and measurable, and this is the measurement. Whatever the ban accomplished, cheaper rent isn't it. The parties visibly better off are the hotels, which hit record rates (that one is from the newspapers, not our atlas), while ordinary hosts lost income and visitors pay more.

If short-stay conversions genuinely threaten housing supply, there are honest tools for that: caps, taxes, per-host limits. A blanket ban that delivered none of its promised relief is not housing policy. It's a favor wearing one.

Steelman, because it deserves one: three years is a short window, covid-era rebound muddies the early baseline, and nobody can say what rents would have done without the ban. What we can say: the promised direction was down, and the observed direction, every single quarter, was not.
The arithmetic

The ban was fighting 0.6% of the city.

Before asking whether the ban worked, ask what it could possibly have done. Here is the entire whole-home short-stay market the ban abolished, next to the city it was supposed to fix.

Entire-home short-stay listings, pre-ban
22,254
the whole market, citywide
Homes in New York City
3.74M
residential units, city tax rolls
Share of the housing stock
0.60%
even perfect return = +0.6% supply
Run by single-listing hosts
81%
91% of hosts had two or fewer

If every one of those 22,254 homes had converted to a long-term rental on enforcement day, New York's housing supply would have grown by six-tenths of one percent, about two percent in the densest quartile of zips. That is the ceiling: the largest rent effect the ban could have produced under its own most generous assumptions, and it sits at the edge of what's even measurable in a market this size.

And the market being abolished wasn't the cartel of the imagination: 81% of those listings belonged to hosts with exactly one listing, and 91% to hosts with two or fewer. Mostly spare homes, not hoarded portfolios. The rest of this page measures what actually happened; this section is why nothing else on it should surprise you.

The sharper test

The neighborhoods that lost the most airbnbs got zero extra relief.

The ban's logic is local: a converted short-stay unit becomes a home on its own block. So relief should concentrate where listings were dense. Each dot below is a NYC zip code: how many entire-home short-stay listings it had per 1,000 homes before the ban, against what happened to its median asking rent from the last pre-ban year to the last twelve months.

Pre-ban short-stay density vs. rent change since the ban, by zip code
80 zips with ≥50 listings measured in both periods · flat line = no relationship · two low-density outliers (+65%, +91%) plotted at the top edge
Zips with the FEWEST airbnbs, since ban
+12.3%
bottom quarter · ~2 listings per 1,000 homes
Zips with the MOST airbnbs, since ban
+12.8%
top quarter · ~19 per 1,000 · no relief at all
Year one, fewest airbnbs
+2.8%
the year the units "came home"
Year one, most airbnbs
+5.2%
the rescued neighborhoods did worse

Read those tiles left to right, because they are the whole story. Over the full period, the neighborhoods with roughly nine times the short-stay exposure saw the same rent growth as the neighborhoods with almost none: +12.8% against +12.3%. No relief. And in the first year after enforcement, the year twenty-plus thousand delisted units were supposedly flooding home, the most-exposed neighborhoods actually rose nearly twice as fast: +5.2% against +2.8%. Not only did the promised local relief never arrive, year one delivered the opposite.

To be precise about the claim: we are not saying more airbnbs caused higher rents. We are saying the ban's mechanism predicts the dense zips should have cooled relative to everywhere else, and they did not, in any window, by any cut: correlation r = −0.17 across all 80 zips, statistically indistinguishable from zero, flat within boroughs (r = −0.18), flat weighted by listing volume (r = −0.09), flat excluding outliers (r = −0.05). Williamsburg's 11211, the densest zip in the city at 45 listings per 1,000 homes, rose 10.7%, right at the citywide norm.

This is the test the citywide average can't fake. If the mechanism worked at all, it would show up here first. There is nothing here.

Every neighborhood, ranked by how much airbnb it had
All 80 zips · gold bar = pre-ban entire-home listings per 1,000 homes · right column = median asking-rent change since the ban. If the ban worked, the top of this list should be calmer than the bottom. Read it yourself.
We kept cutting

Four more ways to slice it. Same answer.

Every cut below is a different way the ban's rent promise could have shown up in the data. None of them found it.

Cut 1 · The race that never separated
Median asking rent indexed to the quarter enforcement began (=100), each zip weighted equally · most-airbnb quarter of zips vs least-airbnb quarter · 2022–2026

This is the chart an economist would ask for first. The two groups tracked each other for six straight quarters before the ban, which is what makes the comparison fair, and then kept tracking for twelve quarters after it, which is what makes the ban look like nothing. If removing short-stays eased rents, the gold line falls away from the blue one after the gray marker. It crosses it instead, five times.

Cut 2 · The flood that never arrived
Each zip's share of all NYC rental listings, year before the ban vs year after
Least-airbnb zips, share change
−0.6%
year after vs year before
Most-airbnb zips, share change
−1.7%
fell more, not less
Correlation with airbnb density
−0.22
no listing surge where units "returned"

Before rents can fall, the banned apartments have to actually show up as rental listings. They didn't. The most-airbnb neighborhoods' share of the city's long-term listings went down after enforcement, not up. Whatever happened to those twenty-two thousand entire homes, becoming your next apartment wasn't it.

Cut 3 · Where the homes actually went
The platform's own public NYC snapshots: 2019 vs June 2026
Entire homes listed today
16,808
June 2026, three years into the ban
Listed at 30-night minimums
90%
15,122 homes · it was 12% in 2019
Still short-stay
1,686
the registered and exempt remnant

The ban never made the homes come back. It made them change one field. In 2019, 12% of entire-home listings had 30-night minimums; today it's 90% of 16,808 homes, sitting on the same platform as furnished monthlies, above the 30-day line the law draws. Not tourists' homes returned to renters: renters' homes converted to a product most renters can't use.

Cut 4 · Williamsburg, the maximal case
11211 had one entire-home airbnb for every 22 homes, the densest in NYC · its median ask vs the city's, indexed to enforcement (=100)

If the ban could work anywhere, it was here: one home in twenty-two was an entire-home short-stay. Three years later Williamsburg's rent is up 7% since enforcement against the city's 9%, a difference inside the noise. The single most treated neighborhood in America looks exactly like everywhere else.

Two more cuts didn't make this page: borough-by-borough splits and price-cut frequency. Both came back too noisy to support any conclusion in either direction, and we don't publish noise. Everything we ran is listed in the methodology; nothing that ran is hidden.
Methodology

How we got here, step by step.

  1. The ban. NY Multiple Dwelling Law §4(8)(a) prohibits occupancy under 30 days in Class A multiple dwellings unless a permanent resident is present. NYC Local Law 18 of 2022 added enforcement: hosts must register with the Office of Special Enforcement, and booking platforms cannot process payments for unregistered stays. Enforcement began September 2023.
  2. The rent series. From a private research atlas of 767,302 NYC tax lots and 80M+ recorded market events assembled from public records and broker feeds, we took every rental listing event from 2021 through mid-2026 with an asking rent between $500 and $50,000: 414,061 listings. Median asking rent computed per quarter, same method every quarter.
  3. The claim. Median ask was $3,950 in Q3 2023, the quarter enforcement began, and $4,300 in Q2 2026: +9%. The last full pre-ban year (2022) medianed $3,695 against $4,225 for 2026 to date: +14%. No post-ban quarter closed below $3,800.
  4. The dose-response test. Pre-ban exposure per zip comes from the canonical public NYC listings snapshot (48,895 listings): entire-home listings with minimum stays under 30 nights, assigned to zip by point-in-polygon against the city's MODZCTA boundaries — 22,247 listings across 174 zips — divided by each zip's residential units from the atlas. Rent change per zip compares the last pre-enforcement year (Sept 2022–Aug 2023) to the last twelve months, keeping the 80 zips with at least 50 listings in both windows. Correlation r = −0.17 overall, r = −0.18 within boroughs, r = −0.10 in the first post-ban year, where quartile medians invert (+5.2% most-exposed vs +2.8% least-exposed). Robustness: r = −0.09 weighting zips by listing volume, r = −0.05 excluding the two outlier zips, r = −0.17 restricted to zips with 100+ listings in both windows. Every variant is statistically flat.
  5. The arithmetic. 22,254 entire-home listings with minimum stays under 30 nights in the pre-ban snapshot, against 3,738,089 residential units summed from the city tax rolls (PLUTO): 0.60%. Host concentration from the same snapshot's per-host listing counts: 81% of those listings belonged to hosts with one listing, 91% to hosts with two or fewer.
  6. The extra cuts. Cut 1 indexes each zip's quarterly median to its own value in the enforcement quarter, then takes the equal-weight median across the most- and least-exposed quartiles (zip-quarters with under 10 listings dropped); the chart starts at 2022-Q1 because 2021 is dominated by uneven covid rebound, which we disclose rather than smooth. Cut 2 compares each zip's share of citywide listings in the year before enforcement vs the year after. Cut 3 counts entire-home listings and their minimum-night terms in the platform's public NYC snapshots, 2019 vs June 14, 2026. Cut 4 is the same indexing as Cut 1 applied to zip 11211 and the city. Two further cuts, borough splits and price-cut frequency, returned noise in both directions and are reported here rather than published as findings.

Honest caveats

The spirit of this page: a one-day, for-fun exploration of public data by me and my AI agents. Every "we" on this page means exactly that. It is not journalism, not legal advice, not investment advice, and it is not meant to be quoted, cited, or republished. If you need numbers you can stand behind, pull the primary sources linked above yourself.

The rent series is asking rents from broker and landlord feeds, not signed leases; listing mix (unit sizes, neighborhoods, feed coverage) shifts over time and is not controlled for. Covid-era dynamics are entangled in the 2021–2022 baseline. Correlation is not causation.

The exposure measure is the 2019 vintage of the public listings snapshot, the last one freely mirrored; the mid-2023 snapshots are no longer publicly downloadable. Airbnb's NYC geography was highly persistent from 2015 through the ban, and the test needs neighborhoods ranked correctly rather than counted exactly, but a 2023-vintage dose would be strictly better and we'd rerun with it gladly. Absence of a local effect is evidence against the claimed mechanism, not proof no unit anywhere returned.